Illinois at times can seem a state that never misses a chance to miss a chance.

Earlier this year, there still seemed a possible chance for meaningful ethics reform. There also was a chance — theoretically at least — for fairly drawn electoral maps.

But as the spring legislative session winds down to its final days, neither seems likely to happen.

There is hope for some strengthening in the state’s fiscal health. And the fight over utility regulation, which uncharacteristically is pitting Gov. J.B. Pritzker against his stalwart union supporters, could yet result in more accountability for Commonwealth Edison.

But any marginal advances won’t outweigh the deep disappointments in the way the legislature has handled ethics and redistricting.

Due to lack of political leadership, lack of commitment and the public’s lack of ability to hold their elected representatives accountable, the state is on the verge of missing the chance for major reforms yet again.

Oh, something will get done, but none of it seems likely to get at the heart of the conflicts of interest and corrupting mindset that has dominated Springfield for too long.

There will be back slapping and handshaking when the state tightens disclosure requirements for public officials and tighter registration requirements for lobbyists. And retiring lawmakers may be required to observe a six-month “cooling-off period” before becoming lobbyists.

But a six-month pause is all but meaningless — not even close to the two years considered a best practice. And there still will be latitude for lawmakers to lobby other arms of government — a paradox that leads to influence peddling and other forms of corruption.

The office of legislative inspector general looks to be another lost ethics opportunity. A strong LIG could help clean up Springfield in much the same way that independent inspector generals for the city of Chicago and Cook County have helped.

But to be effective, an LIG would need the independence to launch investigations and report results without need for approval from the legislature. None of those are seriously under discussion just now.

Pritzker gave lip service to ethics reform during his budget address in January. Since then, he has provided little specific guidance and set no minimum requirements for reform. His push to hold ComEd accountable for its misdeeds, as part of a rewrite of the state’s utility regulation, is welcome. But it’s not adequate to address the broader ethics issues through a bill focused on only one industry.

On electoral redistricting, Pritzker as a candidate for governor said he favored an independent commission to draw the electoral maps. Democratic legislative leaders said they would invite meaningful public input and even work with Republicans to do what is right.

None of that has happened. Despite the performative theater of public hearings, the real mapmaking has happened behind closed doors. Few details leaked out.

The Census Bureau’s inability to deliver a timely population count, due to COVID-19 and Trump administration meddling, has delayed the final numbers. But the incomplete data hasn’t slowed the process: After all, there’s a June 30 deadline to meet.

If the maps are delayed past June 30, Democrats might lose unilateral control of the mapmaking process. There are supermajorities to protect and incumbents to keep in office. June 30 is one government deadline that will be met.

Lawmakers likely will miss the chance for progress on ethics and fair maps. But all is not lost — at least not yet.

There actually is hope for minor but important progress on Illinois’ stubborn fiscal problems. And the fight over re-regulation of electric utilities actually has powerful positive forces on its side, to counter the entrenched power of ComEd and the unions that represent its workers.

Higher-than-expected tax revenues and more than $8 billion in American Rescue Plan spending should help Pritzker plug a $1.3 billion budget gap. The outlook is so green that Pritzker even has committed to meet his legal obligation to boost school spending by $350 million in the next fiscal year.

Utility regulation just might represent the last best chance to not miss a chance for meaningful reform. It’s too soon to tell what will emerge from a battle of reformers against entrenched interests. Pritzker, utility-reform advocates and lawmakers favoring equity and accountability are on one side. ComEd and its unions are on the other.

As ever with utility regulation, the details nearly defy comprehension. And ComEd always has played that advantage — and whatever influence it could buy — to get its way in Springfield.

This time, there’s a chance for a different and better result.

Voters deserved better on the big issues this spring. But in a session littered with lost chances, meaningful re-regulation of ComEd could be the one chance for major reform the legislature doesn’t miss.

David Greising is president and chief executive officer of the Better Government Association.